More Damning Than Downing Street
by Paul Rogat Loeb
I follow Iraq pretty closely, but was taken aback when Charlie Clements, now head of the Unitarian Universalist Service Committee, described driving in a Baghdad neighborhood six months before the war “and a building would just explode, hit by a missile from 30,000 feet -‘What is that building?'”
Clements would ask. “‘Oh, that’s a telephone exchange.'” Later, at a conference at Nevada’s Nellis Air Force Base, Clements heard a U.S. General boast “that he began taking out assets that could help in resisting an invasion at least six months before war was declared.”
Earlier this month, Jeremy Scahill wrote a powerful piece on The Nation‘s website, describing a huge air assault in September 2002,
“Approximately 100 US and British planes flew from Kuwait into Iraqi airspace,” Scahill writes. “At least seven types of aircraft were part of this massive operation, including US F-15 Strike Eagles and Royal Air Force Tornado ground-attack planes. They dropped precision-guided munitions on Saddam Hussein’s major western air-defense facility, clearing the path for Special Forces helicopters that lay in wait in Jordan. Earlier attacks had been carried out against Iraqi command and control centers, radar detection systems, Revolutionary Guard units, communication centers and mobile air-defense systems. The Pentagon’s goal was clear: Destroy Iraq’s ability to resist.”
Why aren’t we talking about this? As Scahill points out, this was a month before the Congressional vote, and two before the UN resolution. Supposedly part of enforcing “no fly zones,” the bombings were actually systematic assaults on Iraq’s capacity to defend itself. The US had never declared war. Bush had no authorization, not even a fig leaf. He was simply attacking another nation because he’d decided to do so. This preemptive war preempted our own Congress, as well as international law.
The Other Bomb Drops
by Jeremy Scahill:
After September 11, there was a major change in attitude within the Bush Administration toward the attacks. Gone was any pretext that they were about protecting Shiites and Kurds–this was a plan to systematically degrade Iraq’s ability to defend itself from a foreign attack: bombing Iraq’s air defenses, striking command facilities, destroying communication and radar infrastructure. As an Associated Press report noted in November 2002, “Those costly, hard-to-repair facilities are essential to Iraq’s air defense.”
Rear Admiral David Gove, former deputy director of global operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said on November 20, 2002, that US and British pilots were “essentially flying combat missions.” On October 3, 2002, the New York Times reported that US pilots were using southern Iraq for “practice runs, mock strikes and real attacks” against a variety of targets. But the full significance of this dramatic change in policy toward Iraq only became clear last month, with the release of the Downing Street memo. In it, British Defense Secretary Geoff Hoon is reported to have said in 2002, after meeting with US officials, that “the US had already begun ‘spikes of activity’ to put pressure on the regime,” a reference to the stepped-up airstrikes. Now the Sunday Times of London has revealed that these spikes “had become a full air offensive”–in other words, a war.
I remember the US/UK airstrikes on February 16, 2001, that nearly caused an international row. Otherwise, the press did a terrific job burying the preemptive/preemptive war.
Scahill writes “John Conyers has called the latest revelations about these attacks “the smoking bullet in the smoking gun,” irrefutable proof that President Bush misled Congress before the vote on Iraq”.
Good luck, Congressman.